Assumptions In Research Proposal

Assumptions In Research Proposal-18
I disagree with the criticism, but what I really want to focus on the assumptions behind the demand for such information.The first and probably most important assumption is that suicide is in one way or another linked to mental illness, or, in its radical version, that suicide is necessarily caused by a mental illness.

I disagree with the criticism, but what I really want to focus on the assumptions behind the demand for such information.The first and probably most important assumption is that suicide is in one way or another linked to mental illness, or, in its radical version, that suicide is necessarily caused by a mental illness.But as I was musing about the above, probably feeling a bit smug, I started thinking about my own work, for example, my research on men’s depression.

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I am not identifying the work, because I want to raise a more general issue, which I think is much more common (though I have no evidence apart from my academic experience) than might appear at first. The results, in my view very interesting, are irrelevant for the point I want to make here, so I am not discussing them.

So here comes the criticism levied from the point of view of clinical psychology.

Today I want to write about assumptions we make in our research.

As we describe our research, particularly its methodology, we often make a series of assumptions underlying it.

The main problem is of course that the assumptions I refer to above were probably tacit, hidden, given no reflection, we make them daily.

The solution – much more of Graham Scambler’s meta-reflection, also outside sociology.I didn’t write this, because I could equally well have written something like this: Shaking voice, soft-spoken, joked a couple of times, told me of suffering caused by his son.Or perhaps I should have written about one of my informants as the one who asked whether I masturbated.In critical suicidology Ian Marsh’s work on history of ‘discourses of suicide’ is a great example of challenging the relationship between suicide and mental illness.Marsh convincingly shows the steady encroachment of psychiatric discourses onto suicide.Needless to say, the assumption is contested, both within mainstream suicidology and outside.In the former, while it is shown that people diagnosed with mental illness (I am putting aside the discussion about the validity of such diagnoses) do commit more suicides (yes, I use the phrase ) than the non-diagnosed population, still the rate of diagnosed people taking their lives is still relatively low (I am not at all suggesting that it is acceptable), which might actually lead to a conclusion that it is not the illness itself, but its social context, for example, the stigma it carries.And yet, I think there is another set we tend not to explicate, simply going along with how things are done. The post is inspired by an academic promotion procedure in which a portfolio of qualitative work was reviewed and a number of criticisms were made with regard to it.A few of them, in my view, were made without deeper reflection on what was actually proposed and criticised. The informants were approached soon after their attempt and were identified by the usual demographics such as gender, age, class (with education level used as proxy).The author of the research did not give two pieces of information: the informants’ medical history and their diagnosis (although it was not explicitly stated, I understood it as the diagnosis pertaining to the F section of the ICD-10).There was no explanation for the requirement, no argument, it simply was presented as a major flaw of the work.

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